User:Dahn/The sandbox of sandboxes

Balotă, Călinescu, Cernat, Cernat et al 1, Cioculescu, Marino, Negrici, I. Pârvulescu, Patapievici, Sebastian, Stanomir, Vianu

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Eugen Lovinescu
Born(1881-10-31)October 31, 1881
DiedJuly 15, 1943(1943-07-15) (aged 61)
Other namesEugeniu Lovinescu, Eugène Lovinesco
Academic background
InfluencesPompiliu Eliade, G. W. F. Hegel, Nicolae Iorga, Titu Maiorescu, Karl Marx, Gabriel Tarde, A. D. Xenopol, Ștefan Zeletin
Academic work
EraInterwar period
School or traditionClassical liberalism, Hegelianism, Modernism, Social determinism, Romanian liberalism, Romanian philosophy
Main interestsaesthetics, comparative literature, social philosophy, sociology of culture, classical studies
Notable worksPași pe nisip (1906)
Critice (1909-1910)
Istoria civilizației române moderne (1924-1925)
Istoria literaturii române contemporane (1926-1929)
InfluencedFelix Aderca, Nicolae Balotă, Lucian Boia, George Călinescu, Șerban Cioculescu, Constantin Ciopraga, Ștefan Augustin Doinaș, Alexandru Duțu, Victor Iancu, Monica Lovinescu, Nicolae Manolescu, Solomon Marcus, Adrian Marino, Dumitru Micu, Bogdan Murgescu, Ion Negoițescu, Eugen Negrici, Z. Ornea, Alexandru Paleologu, Perpessicius, Cristian Preda, Lucian Raicu, Cornel Regman, Eugen Simion, Ion Dezideriu Sîrbu, Radu Stanca, Nicolae Steinhardt, Vladimir Streinu, Eugen Todoran, Tudor Vianu, Ileana Vrancea
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Eugen Lovinescu (Romanian pronunciation: [e.uˈd͡ʒen loviˈnesku], also known as Eugeniu Lovinescu or Eugène Lovinesco; October 31, 1881 – July 15, 1943), was a Romanian historian of culture, literary theorist and critic, especially known as the founder of Sburătorul review and as a supporter of Romanian liberalism. From nationalist beginnings and a traditionalist outlook before World War I, Lovinescu made a move toward classical and economic liberalism, which permeated his scholarship and his public stances. While rejecting the assumptions of political conservatism, he adhered to the cultural outlook of conservative author Titu Maiorescu, and carried into the interwar period the legacy of Maiorescu's cultural society Junimea. In front of nationalist and conservative critics, Lovinescu supported the steady Westernization of Romanian society, arguing in favor of "synchronism" between Romania and the West.

As author and literary promoter, Lovinescu cherished "Impressionist" criticism—unorthodox, non-academic and subjective. At Sburătorul, he lent his support to the cause of modernism, and became recognized as the doyen of mainstream modernity in Romanian literature. He discovered some of Romania's leading 20th-century writers, from Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu to Camil Petrescu, from Felix Aderca to Liviu Rebreanu. Lovinescu is credited with having thus "synchronized" Romanian and European modernism, even though he always was ambivalent toward the "extremist" avant-garde. His own work as a novelist, retelling the sentimental life of national poet Mihai Eminescu from an Impressionist perspective, has created controversy ever since its publication.

Lovinescu's influence as a critic and liberal theorist touched several generations, despite his work being obfuscated by successive totalitarian regimes. Among his better-known disciples are Perpessicius, Tudor Vianu, Șerban Cioculescu, Vladimir Streinu, Ion Negoițescu, Eugen Simion and Nicolae Manolescu. His daughter was Monica Lovinescu, the anti-communist essayist and journalist; nephews Anton Holban, Vasile Lovinescu and Horia Lovinescu all had careers in letters, representing a wide range of political opinions and literary styles.


Eugen Lovinescu was native of Romania's eastern region, Moldavia. His hometown was Fălticeni: the future critic was born in the Alecu Donici School building, where his family owned a private room.[1] His father was Vasile T. Lovinescu, a teacher at the Donici gymnasium, and later at the Alexandru Ioan School;[1] his mother Profira Manoliu was a homemaker.[2][3] Later, they moved to a house on Sucevei Street (near the locally famous pond called Nada Florilor), where the other Lovinescus and the Holbans also owned buildings.[1] Eugen was the fourth of seven children born to the couple;[2] a sister of his married officer Gheorghe Holban and gave birth to Anton Holban.[3]

Young Lovinescu was a a student at the Cuza gymnasium. As he recalled in 1934, one of his teachers there was Miron Pompiliu, best known for having been a friend of the poet Eminescu. Lovinescu sought to please Pompiliu with a paper on Eminescu's poetry. The failing grade it earned made him reticent about approaching Eminescian scholarship in the following decades: as Lovinescu himself noted, he feared the shadow of his personal hero.[4] Until about 1930, Lovinescu was primarily an anti-Eminescian, condemning Eminescu for his rhetorical violence and political stances.[4] Lovinescu was schoolmates with two future literati: the raconteur I. Dragoslav and the novelist Mihail Sadoveanu.[5] Sadoveanu, who was to become Lovinescu's friend and foe, preserved the memory of an effete, bookish Lovinescu, who only ate cake and did not enjoy playing outdoors.[1] The critic acknowledged his frailty as a child, noting that it planted in him, forever, the premonition of timely death.[6]

Lovinescu completed his secondary studies in the Moldavian cultural center of Iași, graduating in 1899.[2] A passionate student of the classics, fluent in Latin,[1] he then applied for the for the University of Iași to study Philology, but soon changed his mind and enlisted at the University of Bucharest Faculty of Letters and Philosophy. As he explained in his memoirs, he preferred life in modern Bucharest, but only because he risked "failure" in Moldavia.[7] Among his colleagues in Bucharest was I. M. Marinescu (later known as a classicist), who remembered Lovinescu as "misanthropic and withdrawn".[8] The two young men were part of a graduating class which also gave Romania three other distinguished intellectuals: historian Vasile Pârvan, critic D. Caracostea, and philosopher Ion Petrovici.[9]

At university, Lovinescu had among his professors the historians and culture critics Titu Maiorescu and Nicolae Iorga, who were both his models and, in later decades, his ideological adversaries. Lovinescu recalled being unimpressed by Iorga's teaching style: "not only didn't he attract us [students] with the offer of personal seductiveness or a university handout, but, quite the contrary, he used irony and invectives as his weapons".[10] Lovinescu also had an ominous conflict with Pârvan, the Thracologist. As he claimed, Pârvan was coaxing Iorga's "easy to conquer vanity": "it fell on Pârvan to carry around [Iorga's] book-filled bag".[11] Pursuing his own path to graduation, Lovinescu earned his diploma in 1903, with a thesis on Latin grammar. That year, he made his debut as literary chronicler in the cultural pages of Adevărul daily.[2] It was the beginning of a concistent activity in cultural journalism, with articles he signed with his name or with initials and pseudonyms: E. L., E. Lov., Delmonte.[12]

Young Lovinescu had genuine admiration for Iorga and Maiorescu—but, as researcher Lucian Nastasă suggests, he could hardly reconcile his "strong independence" with any mentorship.[13] Iorga's mixing of Maiorescu's skeptical conservatism into ethnic nationalism was an early inspiration, and Lovinescu, it seems, was genuinely moved by Iorga's traditionalist critique of modern institutions.[14] Iorga would not reciprocate: in 1904, when Lovinescu submitted an essay for Sămănătorul journal (of which Iorga was manager), Iorga rejected it. The piece, he argued, was quite elitist.[15] Lovinescu persevered and, in March 1906, he congratulated Iorga for his attack on cultural diglossia.[16]

In his collection of essays, published that year as Pași pe nisip ("Steps over Sand"), Lovinescu proceeds to question the moral ideals of patriotic and didactic art.[17] However, he still celebrates the greats of traditionalist poetry, and most of all the young nationalist Octavian Goga.[18] Lovinescu also tried his hand at writing for the stage, with De peste prag ("From the Other Side of the Threshold").[2] A collection of Lovinescu's own stories and novellas (Nuvele) saw print in 1907.[2][19] He found employment at a Ploiești high school, but was also a columnist for Epoca daily, which was put out by Conservative Party cadres.[2] According to Lovinescu, Iorga tried to censor him, but Maiorescu stepped in: "the old man could not even conceive of an attempt against the freedom of thought."[20]

Over the next twenty years, Lovinescu and Iorga moved into diametrically opposite stances: Lovinescu discovered in himself a cosmopolitan and a Francophile. He simply dismissed Iorga's philosophy as "a cultural and economic protectionism taken to the edge of phobia".[20] As Nastasă writes: "virtually everything would separate the two—unequal as they were in age and social standing, in formulas and means of public expression, [and] particularly so in matters of ideology and aesthetic taste".[21]

Lovinescu's drift was already noticeable in his writings. He moved close to the moderate wing of Maiorescu's school, as represented by Mihail Dragomirescu and Convorbiri Critice review. This liberal conservative minority had split with the main Maiorescu club, Junimea, whose traditionalism Dragomirescu found indigestible. In 1908, Convorbiri Critice put out Lovinescu's his first attack on Eminescu and the Junimea traditionalists. The critique was more aethetic than ideological: Eminescu the novelist, Lovinescu claimed, was a "naked emperor".[4] Lovinescu also challenged Ion Luca Caragiale, the Junimist comedic writer. Against the emerging consensus, according to which Caragiale was the most memorable conservative critic of the Romanian establishment, Lovinescu prophesized that, "in fifty years", with social and economic maturity, Caragiale would be entirely incomprehensible to the average Romanian reader.[22]


From 1906,[2] Lovinescu was furthering his studies abroad, in France. His research, and subject of his Ph. D. dissertation, was the late writer Jean-Jacques Weiss. Under the Francized name Eugène Lovinesco, Lovinescu published his thesis with Renouard, as Jean-Jacques Weiss et son œuvre littéraire ("Jean-Jacques Weiss and His Literary Work"). It carried a preface by the literary historian and biographer Émile Faguet,[2][23] but failed to convince other reviewers, who dismissed Lovinescu's work as "superficial".[24] Lovinescu's other study, on French Philhellene literature, became Les voyageurs français en Grèce au XIXe siècle ("French Travelers to Greece in the 19th Century", H. Jouvre publishers, 1909).[2][25] It came with a forward by Gustave Fougères, the archeologist.[2][26]

Lovinescu was soon inducted into the leadership board of Sadoveanu's Romanian Writers' Society,[27] with which he toured the provinces.[28] He published a two-volume collection, Critice ("Critical Essays", 1909-1910), followed by a 1910 monograph on fabulist Grigore Alexandrescu.[2] Lovinescu was still unemployable at university, but recognized a Docent (1910) and appointed lecturer in Contemporary Prose at the "open and tuition-free" courses, Bucharest Faculty of Letters.[29] His opening lecture was taken up by Maiorescu's Convorbiri Literare review, as Critica și istoria literară ("Literary Criticism and History").[30]

Lovinescu mainly supported himself from his work as professor at Matei Basarab High School, but was still an active cultural journalist, his chronicles featured in papers of diverse backgrounds: Convorbiri Literare, Convorbiri Critice, Viața Românească etc.[2] He soon entered the competition for a substitute chair at the University of Iași. His application was registered, but he faced opposition from the senior staff, who favored a local scholar, Garabet Ibrăileanu. Since Ibrăileanu had not received his Ph. D., and was therefore technically unqualified, Lovinescu was eventually appointed to the chair by Education Minister Constantin C. Arion.[31] This was a blow to the cultural establishment of Iași, who consequently mobilized to help Ibrăileanu with his degree, and then voted Lovinescu out of office (June 1912).[32]

This was Lovinescu's first clash with the Moldavian Poporanists (or left-wing traditionalists from Moldavia). His rivalry with Ibrăileanu also placed him at odds with Viața Românească writers, Sadoveanu included. Lovinescu made his return to Bucharest, musing: "We [Romanians] lack even the modicum of a sense of solidarity. [...] At some point one loses the sense of reality, of humanity and abandons himself to impressions or to the interests that come together or fall apart."[33] For some two years, Eugen Lovinescu substituted Professor Pompiliu Eliade's French Literature course at Bucharest University.[34] After putting out a sketch story collection (Scenete și fantezii), he debuted as a novelist, with the 1913 Aripa morții ("The Wing of Death").[19] Also in 1913, he published a biographical sketch of 19th-century novelist Costache Negruzzi.[2]

He began courting Ecaterina Bălăcioiu, a French-language teacher. The daughter of landowner G. G. Bălăcioiu, she married Lovinescu in 1915, bringing him a large dowry.[35] The young couple moved into a new home on Câmpineanu Street, downtown Bucharest.[36]

After the start of World War I, Lovinescu channeled his nationalist and Francophile politics into open support for the Entente Powers. From 1914 to 1916, as Romania maintained its neutrality, the critic became known as one of the prominent "Ententist" and interventionist opinion makers (see Romania in World War I).[37][38]

Especially supportive of Romanians trapped in Austria-Hungary, Lovinescu and poet Ion Minulescu represented the interventionist section of the Writers' Society. They were opposed there by "Germanophiles", neutralists, and Poporanists; the organization virtually split along these lines during autumn 1915.[39] There was another such confrontation between Lovinescu and Ion Vinea, a cultural reviewer spoke with socialist sympathies. Through Vinea, Lovinescu was attacked by the left-leaning circles of Romanian Symbolism: "a young man, already bourgeois, already fat and quite naturally soft", was Vinea's description of Lovinescu.[40]

As Romania joined the Entente in summer 1916, Lovinescu celebrated war in his articles for the Ententist press.[41] He volunteered for active service in the Romanian Land Forces, but was assigned to reservist duties, as a military censor.[2] He was still troubled by nationalist excesses: writing for Flacăra, he criticized Eminescu's version of patriotism.[4][20]

Then, as the armies of the Central Powers stormed into Bucharest and the government escaped to Moldavia, Lovinescu joined the exodus: he was teacher at the Fălticeni gymnasium, and, in 1917, opened a private high school for refugee children.[2]



separate peace of 1918


Greater Romania

Transylvania and Bessarabia

Shortly after the victory celebrations, Lovinescu published a long series of articles, exposing Germanophilia or collaborationism within the writers' community. An early target was the Poporanist George Topîrceanu, a former prisoner of war; in turn, he accused Lovinescu of having led a sheltered life during the war.[42]


Lovinescu's academic prospects were still vague. In 1918 and 1919, he returned to Bucharest a substitute professor of comparative literature, taking over for Charles Drouhet.[43] He tried his hand at publishing a literary review, Lectura pentru Toți ("Reading for All").[2] In 1921, he made a new attempt at academic writing, with a monograph on Moldavian classic Gheorghe Asachi.[2]

The period witnessed the inconspicuous start of Lovinescu's main contribution as publicist: Sburătorul magazine. It was the voice of tame modernism, equally adverse to traditionalism and to the burgeoning avant-garde. Its manifesto called for re-sensitizing "love and art", for replanting "the flower of common sense".[44]

A literary society, also called Sburătorul, was formed around Lovinescu's townhouse. It became a second home for scores of aspiring or established authors. Lovinescu was personally involved in their careers, giving them directions and following their daily evolution for the remainder of his life.[44] Here was the nucleus for a new school of literary criticism, whose members were more or less Lovinescu's proteges. In Lovinescu's own words, they were the "third post-Maiorescu generation": George Călinescu, Șerban Cioculescu, Pompiliu Constantinescu, Perpessicius, Vladimir Streinu, Tudor Vianu.[45] The club was even open to the former disciples of Dragomirescu,[46] while others, such as Benjamin Fondane, were fiercely independent Symbolists.[47]

The new club was also highly successful at recruiting members from various cultural environments, from the Transylvanian Liviu Rebreanu (originally a Sburătorul editorial secretary)[48]

to the left-wing writers Felix Aderca

and Victor Eftimiu,[44]

and Italian academic Ramiro Ortiz.[49]


A while after, Sburătorul found itself a main asset: the person of modernist poet Ion Barbu. Lovinescu regarded Barbu with consideration, trying to get him published,[50] but was distressed by Barbu's cocaine and ether addiction.[51]

Although popular with the literati, Sburătorul had little commercial success. It only existed as a weekly from April 1919 to May 1921, and again from September to December 1921, returning as a monthly in March 1926, and ultimately disappearing in June 1927.[44] Powerless against such financing problems, Lovinescu switched to keeping a handwritten record of all his literary sessions, later released under the title Memorii ("Memoirs").[44][52] Meanwhile, his essays were taken up by some other periodicals, including Ramiro Ortiz's academic journal, Roma,[53] and modernist or semi-modernist papers: Noua Revistă Română, Rampa, Falanga, Flacăra, Viața Literară.[2]


Lovinescu's leading contribution to cultural history came out in 1924–1925, as the three volumes of Istoria civilizației române moderne ("The History of Modern Romanian Civilization"), published with Editura Ancora. The books' defense of Westernization and capitalism was an in-depth response to traditionalist and Poporanist theses, and, in time, came to be considered fundamental for Romania's great cultural debate.[54]

By that moment, Lovinescu's support for modernization met younger adversaries, most of whom were in the process of joining far right movements. One early critic was Nichifor Crainic, a poet and thinker who supplemented Iorga's national conservatism with a distinctly national Orthodox ethos. Taking over as editor at the formerly modernist Gândirea, he attacked Lovinescu in his 1926 mission statement, A doua neatârnare ("The Second Independence").[55] Among the other anti-Lovinescians was philosopher Nae Ionescu; he also looked back to Orthodox nationalism and expressed admiration for Romania's oriental spirituality[56] (originally a Symbolist, Ionescu had written his first anti-Lovinescu piece in 1912).[57]

The interwar ushered in changes to Lovinescu's professional life: in 1928, he left Matei Basarab High School to take up employment as a Latin teacher at Mihai Viteazul National College.[2]

Adevărul

His daughter Monica made an early debut in prose with Adevărul's children's supplement Dimineața Copiilor.[4]

As biographer, Lovinescu was coming to revise his stances on Eminescu and Maiorescu. He took several trips back to Moldavia, with the explicit purpose of retracing Eminescu's steps.[4] Upon his return, he put out two biographical novels: Mite (1934), Bălăuca (1935). They were received with astonishment by Lovinescu's contemporaries. Commentators were quick to describe both books as sentimentalist failures and unreliable documents.[4][58] Among the negative responses were those coming from two of Lovinescu's erstwhile friends: Călinescu and Cioculescu.[4]

Still graver accusations came from within traditionalism, which described Lovinescu as not just an iconoclast, but also a "pornographer". The far right and antisemitic circles profited from the resulting scandal, propagating the claim that Lovinescu was in the pay of Jewish interests, which sought to undermine Eminescu's patriotic legacy. Iorga and his Neamul Românesc gazette joined in, as did Convorbiri Literare.[4][59]

Lovinescu first responded in December 1935, with a Facla article.[60] Undeterred, he also put out the essay Eminesciana and his replies to Convorbiri editor Alexandru Tzigara-Samurcaș, all of them with Adevărul. They were countercritiques of Eminescu's personality cult, and a general defense of artistic license.[4]

The conflict peaked late in 1936, when Lovinescu was refused for membership into the Romanian Academy. The traditionalists maneuvered to elect one of their own, the antisemitic ideologue A. C. Cuza, while Lovinescu was opposed by both Iorga and Crainic. Theirs was an anti-modernist coalition of "extreme and mainstream nationalism",[61] in which Iorga had the key role (as documented in later years by literary historians).[2][4][44][62]


Lovinescu was also failing at captivating the minds of a younger generation of intellectuals. Occasionally grouped under the label of Trăirism, these authors idealized anti-liberalism and counterrevolutions, paying homage to Nae Ionescu. According to scholar Irina Livezeanu, "it is the autochthonist Nae Ionescu who is widely considered the 'mentor of the «new generation,»' and not the modernist Eugen Lovinescu."[63] Lovinescu was perplexed by this intellectual fashion, but felt compelled to ignore it; the modernist counteroffensive was mounted by Cioculescu, whom Lovinescu praised as the natural enemy of "mystagogues".[64] Lovinescu was generally ignored by the "new generation" polemicists,[65] but the new wave of Trăirist mysticism had an unexpected influence on Lovinescu's intimate circle. In 1929, his own nephew Vasile turned to esotericism. As a student of Julius Evola and René Guénon, he took for himself the pen name Geticus.[66]

Lovinescianism was not only at odds with the neo-mystics, but also with "new generation" centrists or leftists, such as Americanist Petru Comarnescu,[44] poet Sandu Tudor[67] and sociologist Henri H. Stahl.[68]

but Ionesco's vocal anti-fascism drew them closer in the 1940s.[69]

Although isolated in this manner, Lovinescu could still count on new arrivals at Sburătorul. This was the age when Anton Holban, Lovinescu's favorite nephew,[3] debuted as a novelist. Holban arrived to the scene at roughly the same time as new Sburătorul affiliates: Sorana Gurian[70]

The group included a number of young essayists who sided with Lovinescu on theoretical grounds—foremost among them, the liberal conservative journalist Nicolae Steinhardt.[71][72]






radicalization into fascism, under the guidance of Ionescu and Crainic. The Iron Guard, a successful fascist movement, was absorbing the "new generation" into its ranks, while taking over the campaign against Lovinescu's liberal modernism.

Lovinescu publicly responded to this new threat: like other members of the conservative and liberal elite (Ibrăileanu, Constantin Rădulescu-Motru, P. P. Negulescu), he openly condemned the Guard's racism, and in the process exposed himself to the risk of assassination.[73] Guardist papers such as Sfarmă-Piatră, Porunca Vremii and Vestitorii published a number of lampoons, attacking "the scoundrel" Lovinescu as the apostle of degenerate art and "Semitic" literature etc.[74]

Lovinescu was unimpressed by the diatribes, noting: "They shan't be able to impose imbecility over our country's literature, not even if they should start putting up gallows in Theater Square."[75] However, even the Lovinescu family had split along political lines. Early on, the Iron Guard received the allegiance of Horia Lovinescu.[66][76] Vasile Lovinescu was also close to the Guard, mediating between its leader Corneliu Zelea Codreanu and a network of esotericist fascists.[66]


Lovinescu was living in separation from Ecaterina, and she eventually obtained a divorce. In March 1934, the court ruled that Lovinescu had "deserted his conjugal home"; Monica's custody was granted to Ecaterina.[77] The critic was residing at a new apartment near the Cișmigiu Gardens, at 95 Elisabeta Blvd., to be known as Casa Lovinescu.[78] By 1937, he was complaining about health problems, and feared that paralysis would prevent him from writing. He was consulted by a friend, the writer and general practitioner Virgiliu Moscovici-Monda, and later by specialists such as Ion T. Niculescu. Their diagnosis was inconclusive, with some reports suggesting that Lovinescu was a hypochondriac.[69] A year later, Lovinescu ended his career in teaching, with an early retirement on health grounds.[2] He worked mainly on translating The Odyssey and The Aeneid, in updated versions with modernized language, later criticized by Romanian classicists.[79]



World War II

Carol II, who inaugurated Romania's first totalitarian experiments (see Romania during World War II). Controversially, Lovinescu was one of several intellectuals who voluntarily joined the ranks of Carol's quasi-fascist mono-party—the National Renaissance Front.[52][69] He was made a Knight of Meritul Cultural Order.[80]

In 1940, Lovinescu published the definitive biography of Maiorescu, with the official press Editura Fundațiilor Regale. In Lovinescu's own words, this took "enormous" work, received with reluctance by his editors.[69] This reassessment of Maiorescu's work as a relevant asset was also the final act of his dispute with Iorga.[20] The nationalist lobby that had been blocking Lovinescu's university access also prevented him from receiving the Academy's Hamangiu Award.[44][81] The advent of fascism and traditionalism also meant that Lovinescu was being marginalized from all walks of public life, even to the astonishment of Lovinescu's adversaries.[44] Lovinescu, meanwhile, was becoming jaded, less interested in welcoming young writers—dismissive, for instance, of the adventure novelist Radu Tudoran.[44]

During the "Phony War", Lovinescu cheered for the Allies, confessing his bewilderment at the fall of France.[82] He was even more shocked by the events of summer 1940, when the Soviet takeover of Bessarabia. The news left him in tears,[82] and even made him reconsider his lifelong Francophilia. Privately, Lovinescu regarded the rapprochement between Romania and Nazi Germany as a necessary shield against further Soviet threats.[83]

Lovinescu broke with old friends, such as pro-communist poet Victor Eftimiu,[44] whose unreciprocated flirtation with the Iron Guard is caustically mentioned in Lovinescu's notes.[69][82] They also record, minutely, the fascization of other Lovinescians. For instance, Ion Barbu, with his "insane", "odious" and "beastly" interventions.[69] Barbu never interrupted his visits to Casa Lovinescu, haranguing his colleagues with antisemitic remarks, eulogizing Iron Guard leaders, and donning the Guard' green-shirted uniform.[69][82] Lovinescu was at the time close to, and probably romantically involved with, the poetess Ștefania Zottoviceanu. As another sign that Lovinescu's liberal views were becoming unfashionable, Ștefania appeared at one of Sburătorul sessions to praise his arch-rival, Nae Ionescu.[57]

Lovinescu was then shocked by Romania's withdrawal from Northern Transylvania (the Second Vienna Award), particularly since it introduced political instability at home, fueling the Iron Guard's revolutionary zeal.[69] In short while, the Guard managed to topple Carol, proclaiming the "National Legionary State" (during which Vasile Lovinescu served as Mayor of Fălticeni).[84]

For his part, Lovinescu remained an increasingly isolated opponent, horrified by the Jilava murders of anti-Guard politicians, and deploring his rival Iorga's execution-style killing.[82][69] Shortly after the Iorga murder, the Guard was ousted from power by its more conservative military partner, Ion Antonescu. This battle, thereafter known as the "Legionary Rebellion", had Barbu as active participant on the the Guard's side.[69]

In June 1941, on Antonescu's command, Romania joined in the German invasion of the Soviet Union. Lovinescu returned to publishing with a biography of Maiorescu's political ally, Petre P. Carp: P. P. Carp, critic literar și literat ("P. P. Carp, the Literary Critic and Man of Letters"). It contains Lovinescu's explicit endorsement of anti-Russian policies.[85] Nevertheless, Lovinescu endured a vocal critic of Antonescu's antisemitic policies, disturbed by the religious persecution and the Jewish deportations to Transnistria (see Holocaust in Romania). He was a conspicuous host to marginalized Jewish authors: old Sburătorul contributors, alongside younger proteges (Nina Cassian, Alfred Margul-Sperber),[52] but also maintained contacts with Gurian, turned Jewish collaborationist.[86] With old traditionalist rivals Ion Pillat and Vasile Voiculescu, Lovinescu planned a show a protest against the pending deportation of Margul-Sperber. On such grounds, Antonescu's Special Intelligence opened a file on Lovinescu.[87] As the Eastern campaign broke down into stalemate, then panic, Lovinescu was carefully recording evidence of Antonescu's deceitful self-assurance.[44]

Lovinescu's subsequent work was a book of memoirs and polemics, Aqua forte. Well received by the cultural press, it failed to register much success with the public. Such news contributed to Lovinescu's depression,[44] but he was still active in promoting Romania's modernist writers wherever possible. He arranged for Slovak academic Jindra Hušková to translate Radu Tudoran's debut novel.[44] His circle was frequented by a new generation of modernist poets, including Constant Tonegaru, Mihail Crama, and Dimitrie Stelaru.[88][89] In 1942, Editura Vremea issued a Festschrift edited by Cioculescu, Vianu and the other core disciples—Lovinescu himself contributed, as Anonymus notarius.[90]

A more significant event in Lovinescu's career, described by some as a final vindication,[44] occurred in 1943: an informal group of Transylvanian modernists, the Sibiu Literary Circle, made a public show of support for Lovinescianism. Its core cell comprised Nicolae Balotă, Ion Dezideriu Sîrbu, Ion Negoițescu, Radu Stanca, Cornel Regman, Ștefan Augustin Doinaș, Eugen Todoran, and Victor Iancu.[91][92] Their open letter of support was met with indignation by the radical right newspapers.[91]

Those months saw a steady decline of Lovinescu's health, attributable to a liver disease. Described as "very weak, very pale", he was eventually interned in Colentina Hospital under Nicolae Lupu's supervision, but released after tests: his "post-hepatic jaundice and cholangitis" was found to be untreatable.[93] These were supposedly the symptoms of either terminal cirrhosis[94] or liver cancer.[44][69] Lovinescu's final months were largely spent in uncharacteristic isolation, including separation from Ioana Postelnicu. As he wrote in his agendas, Ioana's jealous and "impertinent" husband had been pestering him.[69] He was probably never informed of his impending death,[44] and maintained an optimistic attitude. Looking back on over a hundred published works of criticism and literature, he concluded: "I have honored this signature of mine!"[95] His last notebook entry, for July 12, 1943, looks forward to a liver biopsy.[44]

The Sburătorul founder died in his home, on July 15,[96] some time after having conversed with his chambermaid.[44] A day later, his body was cremated, with a farewell ceremony and the music of Ludwig van Beethoven.[97] His final two works were in print, and were issued, later that year, as T. Maiorescu și contemporanii lui ("T. Maiorescu and His Contemporaries") and T. Maiorescu și posteritatea lui critică ("T. Maiorescu and His Critical Posterity").[2][98]

  1. ^ a b c d e (in Romanian) Eugenia Mihalcea, Florina Zăinescu, "Casa criticului, 'sfâșiată' în două de comuniști", in Jurnalul Național, July 23, 2009
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w (in Romanian) Alex. Cistelecan, "Lovinescu, E(ugen)", entry in Iulian Boldea, Cornel Moraru, Alex. Cistelecan (eds.), Dicționar de critică și teorie literară. Valori românești și valori europene ale secolului XX. Concepte teoretice. Tendințe și personalități, CNCSIS & Petru Maior University of Târgu Mureș; retrieved October 25, 2011
  3. ^ a b c (in Romanian) Grigore Ilisei, "Anton Holban și Fălticenii (1)", in Evenimentul, May 18, 2002
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k (in Romanian) Gabriela Omăt, "Glose la o fotografie: E. Lovinescu ...victimă a mitului eminescian", in România Literară, Nr. 49/2002
  5. ^ (in Romanian) Alex Mitru, "Patriarhul cuvîntului românesc se întoarce în amintiri, la Casa din deal", in Evenimentul, November 5, 2004
  6. ^ Patraș, p.401
  7. ^ Patraș, p.400-401, 403-404
  8. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.39
  9. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.275-276, 279, 283
  10. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.212-213. See also Nastasă (2007), p.277, 480-481
  11. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.275-276
  12. ^ Straje, p.208, 247, 398-399
  13. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.427-428
  14. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.427-429
  15. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.428
  16. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.428
  17. ^ Ornea (1998), p.139, 142, 144
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  21. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.428-429
  22. ^ (in Romanian) A. Gh. Olteanu, "Bietul Caragiale", in România Literară, Nr. 4/2008
  23. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.429
  24. ^ Nelly Furman, "Critics and Criticism", in David Baguley (ed.), A Critical Bibliography of French Literature. The Nineteenth Century, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, 1994, p.710. ISBN 0-8156-2566-9; Aimé Guedj, "La norme spiritualiste et sa transgression ou le réalisme comme événement dans la critique littéraire du second empire", in Événement et prose narrative II. Annales Littéraires de l'Université de Franche-Comté, Littérature et histoire des pays de langues européennes, No. 39, Presses Universitaires de Franche-Comté, Besançon, 1995, p.107. ISBN 978-2-251-6057
  25. ^ Katja Jaeckel, "L'Engagement philhellène et l'image de la Grèce dans la littérature française de 1770 à 1830", in Alfred Noe (ed.), Der Philhellenismus in der westeuropäischen Literatur 1780–1830, Rodopi Publishers, Amsterdam & Atlanta, 1994, p.91, 109. ISBN 90-5183-702-X; Nastasă (2007), p.429
  26. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.429
  27. ^ (in Romanian) Teodor Vârgolici, "Centenarul Societății Scriitorilor Români", in România Literară, Nr. 15/2008
  28. ^ (in Romanian) Cassian Maria Spiridon, "Secolul breslei scriitoriceşti (II)", in Convorbiri Literare, May 2008
  29. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.30, 429, 463
  30. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.463
  31. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.338-339, 429
  32. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.339-340, 429
  33. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.429-430
  34. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.429
  35. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.98-99, 146
  36. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.382
  37. ^ Boia (2010), p.61, 89, 102-103, 106-107, 123-124, 326, 364-365
  38. ^ Maria Bucur, "Romania: War, Occupation, Liberation", in Aviel Roshwald, Richard Stites (eds.), European Culture in the Great War: the Arts, Entertainment, and Propaganda, 1914–1918, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge etc., 2002, p.251. ISBN 0-521-01324-0
  39. ^ Boia (2010), p.102-105
  40. ^ (in Romanian) Luminița Marcu, "Incendiarul ziarist Ion Vinea", in Observator Cultural, Nr. 154, February 2003
  41. ^ Boia (2010), p.89
  42. ^ Boia (2010), p.123-124, 326
  43. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.429
  44. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s (in Romanian) Valeriu Râpeanu, "Eugen Lovinescu - un mizantrop sociabil", in Curierul Național, March 22, 2003
  45. ^ Ornea (1998), p.145-146. See also Patraș, p.401
  46. ^ Nastasă (2007), p.101
  47. ^ (in Romanian) Constantin Ciopraga, "B. Fundoianu – între două literaturi", in Convorbiri Literare, July 2002
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  49. ^ (in Romanian) Eleonora Cărcăleanu, "Ramiro Ortiz și italienistica românească", in Convorbiri Literare, September 2004
  50. ^ (in Romanian) Mircea Coloșenco, "Ion Barbu – clasic al spiritualității (I)", in Convorbiri Literare, August 2006
  51. ^ (in Romanian) Andrei Oișteanu, "Scriitorii români și narcoticele (3). De la Emil Botta la Ion Barbu", in Revista 22, Nr. 949, May 2008
  52. ^ a b c (in Romanian) George Radu Bogdan, "Problema antisemitismului lui E. Lovinescu", in România Literară, Nr. 33/2004
  53. ^ (in Romanian) Eleonora Cărcăleanu, "Petrarca în cultura română (II)", in Convorbiri Literare, May 2004
  54. ^ Boca, passim; Boia (2000), p.51, 96-97; Ornea (1995), p.21-26; Rizescu (2005), passim
  55. ^ Livezeanu (2002), p.123
  56. ^ (in Romanian) Gheorghe Grigurcu, "Despre Nae Ionescu", in România Literară, Nr. 18/2002
  57. ^ a b (in Romanian) Valeriu Râpeanu, "Când Nicolae Ionescu a devenit Nae Ionescu", in Curierul Național, March 8, 2003
  58. ^ Cornis-Pope, p.230
  59. ^ Boia (2012), p.80-83; Ornea (1995), p.444, 446
  60. ^ Cornis-Pope, p.230
  61. ^ Livezeanu (2000), p.15-16
  62. ^ Boia (2012), p.107-108, 110; Ornea (1995), p.440-
  63. ^ Livezeanu (2000), p.16
  64. ^ (in Romanian) Alex. Ștefănescu, "Șerban Cioculescu", in Convorbiri Literare, August 2004
  65. ^ Boca, p.192
  66. ^ a b c François Leclerc, "Notes de lecture. C. Mu[tt]i, E. Cioran, J. Evola: «La Garde de Fer revisitée»", in Jean-Pierre Brach (ed.), L'Histoire cachée entre histoire révélée et histoire critique. Politica Hermetica, No. 10, L'Âge d'Homme, Paris, 1996, p.244. ISBN 2-8251-0777-8
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  68. ^ Rizescu (2005), p.318
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  70. ^ (in Romanian) Gabriel Dimisianu, "Sorana Gurian", in România Literară, Nr. 34/2002
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  73. ^ Bucur, Eugenics..., p.114
  74. ^ Ornea (1995), p.430, 438-441, 457-458
  75. ^ Ornea (1995), p.454
  76. ^ Vasile, p.126
  77. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.275
  78. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.382
  79. ^ Boia (2012), p.157
  80. ^ Boia (2012), p.127
  81. ^ Livezeanu (2000), p.16
  82. ^ a b c d e (in Romanian) Al. Săndulescu, "Anii 1940 în pagini de jurnal", in România Literară, Nr. 21/2008
  83. ^ Boia (2010), p.364-365
  84. ^ (in Romanian) Horia Gârbea, "Ce mai secretă istoria literaturii române?", in Viața Românească, Nr. 6-7/2008. See also Edmund Stevens, Russia Is No Riddle, J. J. Little & Ives Company, New York City, 1945, p.236-237
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  91. ^ a b (in Romanian) Alex. Ștefănescu, "Ion Negoițescu", in Convorbiri Literare, May 2005
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  93. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.429
  94. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.476
  95. ^ Patraș, p.399
  96. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.429, 476
  97. ^ Nastasă (2010), p.476. Patraș, p.407
  98. ^ Boia (2012), p.239

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