Tepi Barat الضفة الغربية הגדה המערבית | |
---|---|
Lokasi Tepi Barat dalam wilayah yang diklaim Negara Palestina | |
Status |
|
Bahasa yang umum digunakan | Bahasa Arab, Ibrani |
Agama | Islam, Yudaisme, Kekristenan |
Luas | |
- Total | 5.655 km2 |
Populasi | |
- Perkiraan 2021 | 2.949.246[b] |
Mata uang | Shekel Israel (ILS) Dinar Yordania (JOD) |
Zona waktu | Waktu Standar Palestina (UTC+2) |
- Musim panas (DST) | UTC+3 (Waktu Musim Panas Palestina) |
Kode telepon | +970 |
Kode ISO 3166 | PS |
Tepi Barat (bahasa Arab: الضفة الغربية, aḍ-Ḍiffä l-Ġarbīyä, bahasa Ibrani: יהודה ושומרון, Hagadah Hama'aravit, bahasa Inggris: West Bank), disebut demikian karena hubungannya dengan Sungai Yordan, merupakan wilayah yang lebih besar dari dua wilayah Palestina (yang lainnya adalah Jalur Gaza). Wilayah yang terkurung daratan di dekat pantai Laut Mediterania di wilayah Levant di Asia Barat,[5] ini berbatasan dengan Yordania dan Laut Mati di sebelah timur dan Israel (melalui Garis Hijau) di sebelah selatan, barat, dan utara.
Konversi Mandat Britania atas Palestina menjadi Negara Israel memicu perang antara Arab dan Israel, setelah itu Tepi Barat diduduki oleh negara mayoritas Arab, Yordania. Pada tahun 1950, Yordania mencaplok wilayah tersebut dan menguasainya hingga Perang Enam Hari 1967, ketika wilayah tersebut direbut dan diduduki oleh Israel. Sejak saat itu, Israel mengelola Tepi Barat sebagai Wilayah Yudea dan Samaria, dan memperluas klaimnya ke Yerusalem Timur pada tahun 1980. Pada pertengahan tahun 1990-an, Perjanjian Oslo membagi Tepi Barat menjadi tiga wilayah kedaulatan Palestina, melalui Otoritas Nasional Palestina (PNA): Wilayah A (PNA), Wilayah B (PNA dan Israel), dan Wilayah C (Israel, yang terdiri dari 60% wilayah Tepi Barat). PNA menjalankan administrasi sipil secara keseluruhan atau sebagian atas 165 daerah kantong Palestina di ketiga wilayah tersebut. Karena kedua wilayah Palestina (termasuk Yerusalem Timur) diklaim oleh Negara Palestina, kedua wilayah tersebut tetap menjadi pusat konflik Israel-Palestina.
Masyarakat internasional menganggap permukiman Israel di Tepi Barat sebagai ilegal menurut hukum internasional.[6][7][8][9] Area C berisi 230 permukiman Israel yang di dalamnya berlaku hukum Israel dan berdasarkan Perjanjian Oslo, sebagian besar permukiman tersebut seharusnya dialihkan ke PNA pada tahun 1997, namun hal ini tidak terjadi.[10] Mengutip undang-undang tahun 1980 di mana Israel mengklaim Yerusalem sebagai ibu kotanya, perjanjian perdamaian Israel-Yordania tahun 1994, dan Perjanjian Oslo, sebuah keputusan penasehat tahun 2004 dari Mahkamah Internasional menyimpulkan bahwa Tepi Barat, termasuk Yerusalem Timur, masih merupakan wilayah yang diduduki Israel.[11]
Tepi Barat memiliki luas wilayah sekitar 5.640 kilometer persegi (2.180 mil persegi). Diperkirakan terdapat 2.747.943 penduduk Palestina, dan lebih dari 670.000 pemukim Israel tinggal di Tepi Barat, di mana sekitar 220.000 di antaranya tinggal di Yerusalem Timur.
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yang berkaitan
The international community has taken a critical view of both deportations and settlements as being contrary to international law. General Assembly resolutions have condemned the deportations since 1969, and have done so by overwhelming majorities in recent years. Likewise, they have consistently deplored the establishment of settlements, and have done so by overwhelming majorities throughout the period (since the end of 1976) of the rapid expansion in their numbers. The Security Council has also been critical of deportations and settlements; and other bodies have viewed them as an obstacle to peace, and illegal under international law... Although East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights have been brought directly under Israeli law, by acts that amount to annexation, both of these areas continue to be viewed by the international community as occupied, and their status as regards the applicability of international rules is in most respects identical to that of the West Bank and Gaza.
The international community has taken a critical view of both deportations and settlements as being contrary to international law. General Assembly resolutions have condemned the deportations since 1969, and have done so by overwhelming majorities in recent years. Likewise, they have consistently deplored the establishment of settlements, and have done so by overwhelming majorities throughout the period (since the end of 1976) of the rapid expansion in their numbers. The Security Council has also been critical of deportations and settlements; and other bodies have viewed them as an obstacle to peace, and illegal under international law... Although East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights have been brought directly under Israeli law, by acts that amount to annexation, both of these areas continue to be viewed by the international community as occupied, and their status as regards the applicability of international rules is in most respects identical to that of the West Bank and Gaza.
the establishment of the Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory has been considered illegal by the international community and by the majority of legal scholars.
The real controversy hovering over all the litigation on the security barrier concerns the fate of the Israeli settlements in the occupied territories. Since 1967, Israel has allowed and even encouraged its citizens to live in the new settlements established in the territories, motivated by religious and national sentiments attached to the history of the Jewish nation in the land of Israel. This policy has also been justified in terms of security interests, taking into consideration the dangerous geographic circumstances of Israel before 1967 (where Israeli areas on the Mediterranean coast were potentially threatened by Jordanian control of the West Bank ridge). The international community, for its part, has viewed this policy as patently illegal, based on the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention that prohibit moving populations to or from territories under occupation.
It can thus clearly be concluded that the transfer of Israeli settlers into the occupied territories violates not only the laws of belligerent occupation but the Palestinian right of self-determination under international law. The question remains, however, whether this is of any practical value. In other words, given the view of the international community that the Israeli settlements are illegal under the law if belligerent occupation, what purpose does it serve to establish that an additional breach of international law has occurred?